The fact that millions of Egyptians welcomed back the military and the police in order to depose Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood in early July has given the police a regained sense of control and authority. As such, they have returned to the streets in large numbers and, moreover, have been implicated in the shooting deaths of protestors calling for Morsi’s reinstatement.
As a lawyer and international expert, Ruben Carranza, the director of the Reparative Justice Program at the International Centre for Transitional Justice, has been working for long years on justice in transitional and post-dictatorship settings. From 2001–2004, he was the commissioner in charge of litigation and investigation in the Philippine commission that managed to successfully recover $680 Million of former Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos' ill-gotten assets hidden in banks in Switzerland, the U.S. and other foreign countries.
Two noteworthy processes appear to be underway in Egypt, both of which have so far eluded the focus of most analyses and commentary on the country. On the one hand, there has been discussion lately in the Shura Council (currently the country’s legislative body) of passing a “transitional justice law” that would supposedly result in the formation of a truth commission and “special courts,” to investigate government agencies, such as the Ministry of the Interior and the Central Bank.
تشهد مصر على مايبدو عمليّتَين لافتَتين تستحقان التوقّف عندهما، مع العلم بأنهما تبقيان حتى الآن خارج تركيز الجزء الأكبر من التحاليل والتعليقات التي تتناول الأوضاع في البلاد. فمن جهة، يدور نقاش مؤخراً في مجلس الشورى (الهيئة التشريعية حالياً) حول إقرار "مشروع قانون العدالة الانتقالية" الذي يُفترَض أن يؤدّي إلى تشكيل لجنة حقيقة و"محاكم خاصة" لإجراء تحقيقات حول المؤسسات الحكومية، مثل وزارة الداخلية والمصرف المركزي. ومن جهة أخرى، تتّخذ حكومة محمد مرسي خطوات من أجل "المصالحة" مع رموز نظام مبارك ورجال الأعمال الذين كانوا مرتبطين به، والذين غادر بعضهم البلاد أو يمضي عقوبات بالسجن.
